﻿WEBVTT

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For centuries the mighty Rhine has been a
lifeline for the people living along its 1200km

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length through the heart of Europe.

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It has also been a powerful obstacle for any
army that wanted to cross it.

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76 years ago this would be no different.

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Hi, I’m Jesse Alexander, and welcome to
Rhineland 45.

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In this documentary series we’ll take you
back to the last set-piece battle on the Western

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Front in World War Two.

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And it all happened here, in the Lower Rhine
region.

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Four years after being pushed into the sea
at Dunkirk, in summer 1944 the Allies finally

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opened up the long-awaited Second Front with
the Normandy landings.

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The Anglo-American armies then raced across
France, though Belgium and into the Netherlands

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in a bid to end the war before Christmas.

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But their gamble to cross the Rhine in Operation
Market Garden had failed, and in the winter,

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the Germans even launched two surprise counter
offensives.

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Once the Wehrmacht had been stopped in the
West, and with the Red Army continuing to

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advance into East Prussia from the East, the
end of Nazi Germany was in sight.

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In early February 1945, Allied armies stood
along Germany’s western border, ready to

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strike the final blow.

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The Americans, British, French and Canadians
could turn eastwards once more, and . there

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was just one last natural barrier standing
between them and victory – the Rhine river.

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For the Germans, the situation was grim.

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As they desperately shored up the defences
west of the Rhine river and Germany’s industrial

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heartland in the Ruhr, they had to transfer
badly needed troops to the East, where the

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Red Army was within striking distance of Berlin.

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The victories of the early war years were
a distant memory now.

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Despite the Allied superiority in manpower
and resources from Alsace in the south to

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the Dutch-German border in the north, defeating
Germany would not be easy.

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The Anglo-American alliance was on the cusp
of victory, but this also created tensions

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about where to attack, and which commander
would take the lead.

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Supreme Allied Commander General Dwight Eisenhower
had to juggle military priorities alongside

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questions of national pride, the ambitions
of his top generals.

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The US was the senior partner in the alliance,
but British Prime Minister Winston Churchill

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and top field commander, Field Marshal Bernhard
Montgomery, still wanted to preserve an important

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role for Britain in the final phase of the
war.

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Montgomery and US General Omar Bradley both
argued to Eisenhower that their Army Group

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should lead the way into Germany.

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There were several possible routes of attack
into Germany.

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The middle routes, in the Lower Rhineland
between Cologne and the Dutch border, seemed

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the most promising to reach the flat north
German plain, where the armour could make

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a dash for the Baltic and perhaps even Berlin.

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This sector of the Allied line was held by
the Anglo-Canadian 21st Army Group, under

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Montgomery, and the 9th US Army, under General
Bill Simpson.

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Montgomery was a polarizing figure, and some
US generals, were fiercely critical of him.

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General Bradley even said he would resign
before serving under Montgomery, and one of

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diary entries may give a clue as to why: “We
were mired in a ghastly war of attrition.

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Monty promptly seized on our failures to position
himself for a renewed political offensive

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inside the high command to have his own way.” (Whitaker 12)

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Montgomery favored a single strike against
Germany of about 40 divisions, which he wanted

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to lead, but Eisenhower chose a less daring
compromise in January: the main effort would

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be in the 21st Army Group’s sector of the
Rhineland, led by First Canadian Army and

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9th US Army - one of the few times US troops
served under foreign command.

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The US armies to the south would still advance
to the Rhine as well, but the critical supplies

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would go to the priority northern wing.

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British General Brian Horrocks was described
the preparations for the corps he was commanding:

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“[When] this concentration was complete
it would have been possible to drop even a

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pea into the woods around Nijmegen without
hitting some part of XXX Corps.”

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(Zuehlke 152)

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From the military point of view, it made little
sense to defend west of the Rhine against

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a superior enemy, but German commanders understood
their orders were to hold out as long as possible

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to defend the Ruhr region, Germany’s last
industrial heartland.

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Any movement of troops to the east bank
without permission from Berlin was forbidden,

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and any available reserves were being sent
to the Eastern Front.

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Adolf Hitler’s New Year message for 1945
made the strategic dilemma of the German high

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command abundantly clear: “My declaration
of September 1, 1939 is still in place.

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Specifically, neither time nor force of arms
can defeat the German people in this war.

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Above all, a November 1918 will never happen
again.” (Citino 405)

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The Rhineland would be defended
until the tide miraculously turned, or until

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the Wehrmacht was pushed out of it.

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Just days before the battle began,
the German generals agreed an attack was imminent.

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First Parachute Army General Alfred Schlemm correctly predicted the offensive

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would come through the Reichswald in the direction
of Wesel: “I clung to my former assumption

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that a thrust would come at Groesbeek-Reichs[wald]-Cleve,
as such a thrust would enable [the] enemy

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to gain the Rhine soonest and would lead into
our open flank.”

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(Zuehlke 169)

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The main Rhineland offensive would consist
of two operations.

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First Canadian Army’s 340,000 British and
Canadians would begin Operation Veritable

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on February 8, led by XXX Corps and supported
by over 1000 guns.

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Their goal was to push south through the fortified
German defences of the Siegfried Line, and

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the 13-km deep Reichswald forest, so the armoured
divisions could break out over the flat farmland

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towards the town of Wesel.

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A few days later, the 300,000-strong US 9th
Army would launch Operation Grenade, crossing

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the Roer River and moving northeast towards
Wesel, to meet up with the British and Canadians

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. If all went according to plan, the German
troops west of the Rhine would be trapped

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and destroyed, and the advance would be fast
enough to capture a bridge at Wesel.

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All along the Rhine, bridges were key strategic
points for both sides, and each bridge became

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a focal point of local operations.

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The men were tired from the particularly cold
winter and bitter fighting since Normandy,

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but they were well-supplied and most were
experienced and well-trained.

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In early 1945 the Allies had 80 divisions
in Northwest Europe, two thirds of which were

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American.

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Montgomery recorded, in his particular style,
his anticipation of the coming battle: “Operations

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Veritable and Grenade will together be a terrific
party.”

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(Zuehlke 147)

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To defend the western approaches of the Reich,
the German army had a less-than-ideal force.

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There was little in the way of reserves, since
these had been expended in the failed counterattacks

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in the Ardennes and Alsace in January.

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On paper there were over 70 divisions, but
these were often 50% understrength after heavy

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losses in the Ardennes (Zimmerman 283), and
the shortage of armour was even worse.

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The Luftwaffe only had about 1500 aircraft
available, and many of these were grounded

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due to fuel shortages.

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The First Parachute Army included several
Fallschirmjäger divisions of paratroopers,

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though by this time in the war they were used
exclusively in a ground combat role.

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It also had one Parachute, one Panzer Division
and a Panzergrenadier Division in reserve.

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But there was the weak 84th Division, second
rate Volksgrenadier formations, and even poorly

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trained and unreliable militias known as Volkssturm,
consisting mostly of men over 40.

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There was also a critical shortage of fuel,
transport, and air cover from the decimated

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Luftwaffe.

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German troops did have the advantage of some
prepared defences, organized in roughly three

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zones in the area facing the British and Canadians.

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The first line ran along the edge of the Reichswald,
the next was the Siegfried Line, and the third

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the Hochwald Layback.

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The Siegfried Line, called Westwall in German,
ran the length of the German border.

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It had been started in 1939, but was left
unfinished.

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Work restarted in 1944, and tens of thousands
of forced labourers and German civilians had

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been pressed into service to shore it up.

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It consisted of minefields,
trenches, gun emplacements, pillboxes, anti-tank

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ditches, and, in some places, the famous Dragon’s
Teeth – but it was by no means complete.

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General Fiebig called
it a “haphazard series of dugouts,” after

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the war (Zuehlke 165) and General Straube called it "a farce", more of an idea than a wall. (Zuehlke 169).

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One feature of the German defences was noted
by Allied intelligence: The principle appears

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no longer to be that of “defensive line,”
but rather that of a “defensive net.”

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The whole area is, in fact, being split up
into a series of self-contained boxes enclosed

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by trenches with, in many cases, there were
also anti-tank ditches or they were fronted

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by a river The intention of the Germans would
seem to be that each box will have soldiers

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there committed to stay there until the end,
in order to purchase time, if nothing else.

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(Zuehlke 166)

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The Germans also had the advantage of the
weather and terrain.

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About a week before Veritable began, the weather
warmed up, and the ground thawed.

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This turned the earth to mud, and raised the
level of the numerous rivers and streams,

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including the Rhine – and the Germans gave
Mother Nature a helping hand by breaching

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a few dykes as well.

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And the narrow corridor that was not flooded
was blocked by the Reichswald, a 13km-deep

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forest.

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A First Canadian Army intelligence report
saw the so-called Reichswald plug as the key

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to the campaign: “[The plug] closes the
neck of the whole German position west of

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the Rhine.

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When it is pulled, we outflank the Maas [river]
position, the West Wall, and all the lines

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in Holland and east of the Rhine.”

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(Zuehlke 160) Once out of the forest, the
ground opened up into farmland normally more

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suitable to mobile warfare, but the soft fields
would now be difficult for tanks to cross.

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These were the very reasons Montgomery had
said months earlier that an attack should

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not start before March, . Given the Allied
plan was to force mobile warfare on an enemy

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incapable of it, the attack would not be easy.

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In the American sector, facing the 15th Army
of Army Group B, the main problem was the

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Roer river.

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Its level was controlled by two key dams to
the south, which were still in German hands

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at the start of February.

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If these dams were blown, the river would
become a rushing torrent, and so the 9th Army

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could not cross until the dams were secured
by the neighbouring First US Army.

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Just days before Operations Veritable and
Grenade were set to begin, American troops

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had still not taken the dams, which caused
friction between US commanders.

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On February 8, 1945, the last set-piece battle
of World War Two in the west began.

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Canadian General Harry Crerar’s message
to the troops reminded them of the moment

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at hand: “The operation we are about to
undertake are of the greatest possible importance.

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Indeed, the result of them can lead to speedy
and complete Allied victory.“

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(Zuehlke 187) Monty’s “party” would
now begin.

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To get Veritable started, the Allies made
use of their superior materiel and firepower.

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An enormous amount of supplies and ammunition
were stockpiled behind the lines, including:

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13,000 km of communication cables, 10,000
smoke generators, and 40,000 litres of fog

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oil for the smokescreens.

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Over half a million aerial photographs were
taken for planning.

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(Zuehlke 149).

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The opening salvo in Operation Veritable came
from the air.

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2000 aircraft attacked German positions, roads,
supply depots and towns in order to prevent

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the movement of German reserves.

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Christoph Bergs: During the night of the 7th
to the 8th of February, the small cities of

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Kleve and Goch were the primary targets of
Allied bombers.

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This is not the first time that these cities
were in the bomb sights.

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For example, only a few months previously
on the 7th October 1944, Kleve suffered a

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heavy bombardment as Allied Air forces tried
to disrupt German reinforcements being ushered

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northwards towards Nijmegen after Operation
Market Garden.

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Although the USAAF daytime raids on the 7th
of February on Germany had largely been cancelled

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due to weather, the conditions the RAF faced
at night were practically ideal for the purposes

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of bombing the cities of Kleve and Goch.

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The RAF went ahead and bombed Kleve and Goch
during the night from the 7/8 February.

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460 bombers went for Goch, 300 for Kleve.

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Under the cover of darkness, the bombers came
in at less than 5000ft.

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With good visibility that night, and with
little flak and few night fighters to worry

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about, the attack was incredibly accurate.

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The attack on Goch was so devastating that
it was called off after only a third of the

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bombers had dropped their payload, smoke made
it impossible to make out the target.

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Kleve on the other hand, already heavily damaged
in previous attacks, became even more battered

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than Goch.

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During this attack civilian casualties are
hard to pinpoint, it seems that the vast majority

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had already fled Kleve following the previous
attack in October.

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In fact, the October raid is usually the one
remembered locally . In contrast, Goch, relatively

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spared so far from the toils of war, remembers
the 7th of February as the day the city descended

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into rubble.

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In addition to the destruction of the cities
and of course the death of civilians in both

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Kleve and Goch, more than a hundred slave
laborers became victims, many killed for example

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in Kleve – unable to seek shelter in their
prison cells on the Kronestrasse.

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They were called in previously to the city
in October 1944 and were kept to build defenses

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knowing that the Allies would show up.

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They are nowadays also remembered in the local
cemetery for victims of the war.

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The Veritable attacks was the heaviest frontline
bombing since Normandy.

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Crerar asked XXX Corps commander General Brian
Horrocks if he wanted the towns like Cleve

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to be ‘taken out.’

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Horrocks later recalled his feelings in that
moment: “No doubt, a lot of civilians, [including]

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women and children, were still living there.

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Their fate depended on how I answered Crerar’s
question, and I simply hated the thought of

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Cleve being ‘taken out.’

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All the same, if we were going to break out
of the bottleneck into the German plain it

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was a race […]; and the German reserves
would have to come through Cleve.

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If I could delay them by bombing it might
make all the difference to the battle, and,

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after all, the lives of my own troops must
come first.

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So I said ‘Yes’ – the most terrific
decision I had ever had to take in my life,

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and I can assure you that I felt almost physically
sick when, on the night before the attack,

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I saw bombers flying overhead on their deadly
mission.”

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(Zuehlke 176-177) He later said he had nightmares
about Cleve after witnessing the damage on

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the ground.

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Located on the eastern edge of the Reichswald,
Cleve had a population of 21,000 before the

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war, but most had fled after the city was
bombed in 1944 during Market Garden.

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The bombing was so intense that a British
journalist riding along in a bomber compared

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the fires to London on it brightest day.

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A nurse at a hospital just outside the city
recalled the harrowing night: “It was so

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light outside, that you could see every stone
of the house opposite […] The air was a

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sea of fire and countless planes flew over
us with their awful droning.

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And then the earth trembled, the bombs crashed
– we all had one thought: we’re done for

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[…] Soon the first of the wounded arrived,
the ones who had been able to save themselves

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and then drag themselves to Bedburg.

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In the darkened entrance they sat or stood,
filthy, bleeding and freezing.

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They were workers, who had been housed in
the Cleve jail and had just barely been able

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to save themselves because the doors had been
locked.

00:20:20.290 --> 00:20:24.189
[…] Many of the men were only wearing a
shirt, and were barefoot.”

00:20:24.189 --> 00:20:26.850
(LandkreisNrb 111)

00:20:26.850 --> 00:20:31.709
The dust had barely settled over the towns
of the Lower Rhineland when Allied artillery

00:20:31.709 --> 00:20:38.679
opened up a barrage on German positions that
had no equal in the West since Normandy.

00:20:38.679 --> 00:20:46.560
Starting at 5 a.m. over a thousand guns, battered
the German defences for five hours.

00:20:46.560 --> 00:20:54.010
Precise, scientific calculations had gone
into the fire plan – not only to destroy

00:20:54.010 --> 00:20:58.370
the defences like this bunker next to me,
but also to kill or demoralize the enemy,

00:20:58.370 --> 00:21:01.620
but to do so as efficiently as possible.

00:21:01.620 --> 00:21:07.480
Smaller calibre weapons participated as well,
so the larger guns could fire on targets farther

00:21:07.480 --> 00:21:08.480
away.

00:21:08.480 --> 00:21:13.199
And this mixture of guns participating in
the barrage was known as a “pepper pot.”

00:21:13.199 --> 00:21:17.270
Matthew: I am joined by Vickers machine gun
expert Rich Fisher.

00:21:17.270 --> 00:21:20.459
Rich, can you tell us a little bit more about
what we are looking at here.

00:21:20.459 --> 00:21:24.209
Richard: So, we got the Mark I Vickers machine
gun, standard British Army medium machine

00:21:24.209 --> 00:21:27.480
gun from 1912 to 1968.

00:21:27.480 --> 00:21:32.990
It's a sustained fire weapon, so it fires
the standard .303 inch ammunition that you

00:21:32.990 --> 00:21:35.240
get in your Bren, your Lee Enfield rifles.

00:21:35.240 --> 00:21:39.620
It's water cooled which gives it this sustained
fire.

00:21:39.620 --> 00:21:42.510
It cools the barrel much more than an air
cooled weapon.

00:21:42.510 --> 00:21:47.549
It fires from 250 round ammunition belts,
you keep it fed with water, you keep it fed

00:21:47.549 --> 00:21:52.439
with ammunition, it can keep going for as
long as you need it to.

00:21:52.439 --> 00:21:57.750
It would be crewed by three guys plus a driver.

00:21:57.750 --> 00:22:02.480
Which means in this period of the Second World
War you not having to carry these around anymore.

00:22:02.480 --> 00:22:06.040
They are being moved Universal Carries, the
Bren Gun Carrier.

00:22:06.040 --> 00:22:11.050
And within that you carry enough ammunition,
for it's first line ammunition.

00:22:11.050 --> 00:22:13.949
The tripod, the gun they all sort of break
down.

00:22:13.949 --> 00:22:20.620
It gives it this capability to support the
forward troops up to 4500 yards of fire.

00:22:20.620 --> 00:22:24.690
So absolutely immense capability for an infantry
division to have.

00:22:24.690 --> 00:22:27.670
Matthew: So, how would they be aiming those
guns at extreme range?

00:22:27.670 --> 00:22:30.699
Richard: You got a dial sight on this gun.

00:22:30.699 --> 00:22:35.500
The dial sight combined with special .303
ammunition, although it's the same as the

00:22:35.500 --> 00:22:39.520
Bren and the Lee Enfield, the Vickers can
use the Mark 7 ammunition or the Mark 8z.

00:22:39.520 --> 00:22:44.720
The Mark 8z ammunition in technically terms
is boat tailed, it means it goes further in

00:22:44.720 --> 00:22:45.990
the air.

00:22:45.990 --> 00:22:50.480
Between the dial sight and 4500 yards and
that boat tailed ammunition, you are not going

00:22:50.480 --> 00:22:52.120
to see the target.

00:22:52.120 --> 00:22:56.270
You'd actually be using this sight to aim
at an aiming mark, and aiming post perhaps

00:22:56.270 --> 00:22:57.810
30 yards in front.

00:22:57.810 --> 00:22:59.459
Everything else would be set up your maps.

00:22:59.459 --> 00:23:03.340
All the angles of elevation, travers, things
like that.

00:23:03.340 --> 00:23:06.799
On the map, plan it out and then lay it in
on the gun using the dial sight.

00:23:06.799 --> 00:23:09.360
Matthew: And who were the men actually manning
these guns?

00:23:09.360 --> 00:23:12.970
Richard: In the Second World War, we have
these divisional machine gun battalions.

00:23:12.970 --> 00:23:17.440
They were infantry battalions from infantry
regiments, you had the Manchesters, the Cheshires,

00:23:17.440 --> 00:23:21.370
the Kensingtons, the Royal Northumberland
Fusiliers and the Middlesex'.

00:23:21.370 --> 00:23:24.000
They all have been through the machine gun
training centers.

00:23:24.000 --> 00:23:27.199
Those divisional machine gun battalions were
one per infantry division.

00:23:27.199 --> 00:23:30.030
And there was a company per armoured division.

00:23:30.030 --> 00:23:35.150
And armoured division had just this brigade
that needs one company for support.

00:23:35.150 --> 00:23:37.610
Those companies had 12 guns, so 3 platoons.

00:23:37.610 --> 00:23:41.380
And then the battalions, the divisional machine
gun battalions had 3 companies and also a

00:23:41.380 --> 00:23:43.360
company of 4.2 inch mortars as well.

00:23:43.360 --> 00:23:47.260
So it was really the heavy small arms that
were able to the infantry divisions.

00:23:47.260 --> 00:23:52.569
Matthew: How did the Vickers fit into the
"pepper pop" fire plans that we had during

00:23:52.569 --> 00:23:53.569
Veritable?

00:23:53.569 --> 00:23:58.410
Richard: The Vickers with the .303 ammunition,
is really the smallest grain of the pepper

00:23:58.410 --> 00:23:59.610
in that "pot".

00:23:59.610 --> 00:24:04.670
When you combine it with an explosive shells
of the 25 pounder, the larger scale artillery,

00:24:04.670 --> 00:24:07.441
the small, the medium, all of that stuff.

00:24:07.441 --> 00:24:09.970
The .303 ammunition in that bore isn't explosive.

00:24:09.970 --> 00:24:12.169
But it fills in all of those gaps.

00:24:12.169 --> 00:24:18.459
The beaten zones that it creates at the distances
it's working at, mean you can saturate an

00:24:18.459 --> 00:24:25.760
area with the high explosives and then switch
to .303 bore back to high explosives, whatever.

00:24:25.760 --> 00:24:30.439
It gives you some real flexibility and some
real capability to the infantry division to

00:24:30.439 --> 00:24:35.601
provide that true saturation in the pot.

00:24:35.601 --> 00:24:41.790
The bombardment hit the soldiers of the German
84th Division particularly hard.

00:24:41.790 --> 00:24:48.170
They were manning the first line of defence
inside the Reichswald in the trenches where

00:24:48.170 --> 00:24:50.329
I am walking right now.

00:24:50.329 --> 00:24:55.350
After the battle, Calgary Highlanders found
a letter one German soldier had scribbled

00:24:55.350 --> 00:25:01.470
during the action: “When Tommy began his
attack he started such a terrific artillery

00:25:01.470 --> 00:25:04.699
barrage that we took leave of our senses.

00:25:04.699 --> 00:25:09.220
I shall not forget my experience in the Reichswald
for a long time.”

00:25:09.220 --> 00:25:12.260
(Zuehlke 198)

00:25:12.260 --> 00:25:17.930
Once the barrage had done its work, the ground
assault plunged into the forest.

00:25:17.930 --> 00:25:25.720
50,000 troops, 500 tanks and 500 special tracked
vehicles surged ahead into the forest, where

00:25:25.720 --> 00:25:33.590
11,000 Germans, 136 guns, and a few dozen
tanks awaited them (Colvin 46).

00:25:33.590 --> 00:25:38.660
On the northern flank, the two Canadian divisions
had the job of securing the flooded villages

00:25:38.660 --> 00:25:44.140
next to the Rhine, and opening up the road
to Cleve so that the British units could continue

00:25:44.140 --> 00:25:45.850
the advance.

00:25:45.850 --> 00:25:51.270
The river had risen so quickly after the Germans
breached the dykes, that the only way to advance

00:25:51.270 --> 00:25:57.260
was in special-purpose amphibious Buffalo
vehicles, hopping from village to village,

00:25:57.260 --> 00:26:00.500
which were now islands in a shallow lake.

00:26:00.500 --> 00:26:05.920
The 3rd had earned itself the nickname the
“Water Rats” because of its experience

00:26:05.920 --> 00:26:10.390
in waterlogged Holland, and this would be
their wettest job yet.

00:26:10.390 --> 00:26:15.319
This was my grandfather’s division, but
Private James Chabot was still recovering

00:26:15.319 --> 00:26:18.940
from wounds in hospital for the time being.

00:26:18.940 --> 00:26:26.470
The Canadian Scottish summed up the scene
facing the Canadians: “As far as we could

00:26:26.470 --> 00:26:32.840
see, what had yesterday been dry land was
now fit only for the traffic of the Royal

00:26:32.840 --> 00:26:33.840
Navy.”

00:26:33.840 --> 00:26:39.560
(Zuehlke 174)

00:26:39.560 --> 00:26:44.120
Despite the challenges, the flooded villages
were taken and the road opened, which would

00:26:44.120 --> 00:26:47.189
allow the British divisions to lead the way.

00:26:47.189 --> 00:26:51.500
The thinly-held German lines in the western
sector of the forest and along the Dutch border

00:26:51.500 --> 00:26:57.090
were soon taken, though to the men on the
ground the going was tough.

00:26:57.090 --> 00:27:02.790
The wet weather turned the few tracks in the
forest to streams of mud, which were targeted

00:27:02.790 --> 00:27:05.760
by well-placed German machine guns.

00:27:05.760 --> 00:27:11.319
In addition, there were numerous minefields
that slowed the advance, since it was particularly

00:27:11.319 --> 00:27:16.180
difficult to clear them when the flail tanks
got stuck in the mud.

00:27:16.180 --> 00:27:22.240
Exploding shells also sent wood splinters
flying through the air, adding another hazard.

00:27:22.240 --> 00:27:27.600
In the 53rd Welsh Division sector, there was
only one track for vehicles to advance into

00:27:27.600 --> 00:27:34.150
the darkness of the wood, so the infantry
often had to go in without tanks.

00:27:34.150 --> 00:27:40.270
Stretcher bearer Peter Victory Huntley recalled
the pressure of treating wounded men: “You

00:27:40.270 --> 00:27:45.120
could hear this cry going up, all along the
front, a cry for help.

00:27:45.120 --> 00:27:48.069
You didn’t know where to go first.

00:27:48.069 --> 00:27:54.140
You had to feel in the dark where his wound
was and put on a shell dressing or tourniquet.

00:27:54.140 --> 00:28:00.130
There was no chance to do anything more, not
even to administer a shot of morphine.

00:28:00.130 --> 00:28:06.180
We just had to get him out fast and get back
to the next one, lying there waiting his turn.”

00:28:06.180 --> 00:28:10.150
(Whitaker 89).

00:28:10.150 --> 00:28:14.630
Some of the stiffest resistance was being
put up by several battalions of paratroopers

00:28:14.630 --> 00:28:20.740
who had been sent into the woods to shore
up the defences before the attack began.

00:28:20.740 --> 00:28:26.949
One of them, locally-born Leutnant Hans Hüneborn,
was sent into the forest on a patrol and ended

00:28:26.949 --> 00:28:34.410
up there for three days: “My commander,
a major, said I was to report to him in a

00:28:34.410 --> 00:28:37.069
cellar where he had his headquarters.

00:28:37.069 --> 00:28:42.819
I was just 50 metres from the house when I
saw the British soldiers – there were many

00:28:42.819 --> 00:28:43.819
tanks.

00:28:43.819 --> 00:28:46.530
I shot three tanks with my panzerfaust.

00:28:46.530 --> 00:28:49.289
I believe they were damaged.

00:28:49.289 --> 00:28:53.450
Then a grenade hit the trench where we were
and I was wounded.

00:28:53.450 --> 00:28:59.540
[…] That night, I walked out of the forest
and went to my parents’ house.”

00:28:59.540 --> 00:29:02.309
(Whitaker 104)

00:29:02.309 --> 00:29:07.860
On February 9th, XXX Corps continued to make
progress in spite of the conditions, and took

00:29:07.860 --> 00:29:12.569
the high ground near Cleve known as the Materborn
feature.

00:29:12.569 --> 00:29:17.620
This position had been heavily fortified with
concrete emplacements and was expected to

00:29:17.620 --> 00:29:20.090
offer serious resistance.

00:29:20.090 --> 00:29:24.780
But the German reinforcements sent in to hold
it but arrived too late.

00:29:24.780 --> 00:29:29.189
When Horrocks received word that the Materborn
had been taken, he thought the breakthrough

00:29:29.189 --> 00:29:35.110
had been achieved, and it was time to send
the 43rd Wessex Division through to rush towards

00:29:35.110 --> 00:29:36.230
Cleve.

00:29:36.230 --> 00:29:41.990
In reality, the 15th Scottish was in the process
of being stopped outside Cleve by the newly

00:29:41.990 --> 00:29:44.850
arrived German paratroopers.

00:29:44.850 --> 00:29:50.030
When the Wessexmen tried to move forward along
the one available road, a massive traffic

00:29:50.030 --> 00:29:55.449
jam was created in the mud, making movement
nearly impossible.

00:29:55.449 --> 00:30:02.049
Horrocks later regretted sending the 43rd
in too soon: “One of the worst mistakes

00:30:02.049 --> 00:30:08.020
I made in the war…My only excuse is that
all too often during the war I had witnessed

00:30:08.020 --> 00:30:13.670
a pause in the battle when one division was
ordered to pass through another, which allowed

00:30:13.670 --> 00:30:15.740
the enemy time to recover.”

00:30:15.740 --> 00:30:21.630
(Zuehlke 230)

00:30:21.630 --> 00:30:28.130
In spite of the weather and logistical problems,
XXX Corps moved slowly but steadily ahead.

00:30:28.130 --> 00:30:33.209
The ruins of Cleve were taken on February
10, a day ahead of schedule.

00:30:33.209 --> 00:30:42.000
A British officer recalled the absolute destruction
of Cleve: “Bomb craters and fallen trees

00:30:42.000 --> 00:30:44.090
were everywhere.

00:30:44.090 --> 00:30:49.780
Bomb craters packed so tightly together that
the debris from one was piled against the

00:30:49.780 --> 00:30:56.039
rim of the next in a pathetic heap of rubble,
roofs and radiators.

00:30:56.039 --> 00:31:02.650
There was not an undamaged house anywhere,
piles of smashed furniture, clothing, children’s

00:31:02.650 --> 00:31:09.959
books and toys, old photographs and bottled
fruit were spilled in hopeless confusion into

00:31:09.959 --> 00:31:15.540
gardens from sagging, crazy skeletons of homes.”

00:31:15.540 --> 00:31:18.100
(Hastings 404)

00:31:18.100 --> 00:31:23.150
The northern sector of the Siegfried Line
had fallen, but the Germans were not beaten

00:31:23.150 --> 00:31:24.570
yet.

00:31:24.570 --> 00:31:29.860
Already on the evening of February 8, reserves
began to be fed into the battle.

00:31:29.860 --> 00:31:35.059
Now that Army Group H commander General Johannes
Blaskowitz had accepted the main attack was

00:31:35.059 --> 00:31:40.809
underway, a parachute division was shifted
away from the American sector and into the

00:31:40.809 --> 00:31:43.809
line against First Canadian Army.

00:31:43.809 --> 00:31:50.069
47th Panzer Corps was also sent into the line
and ,along with emergency units scraped together

00:31:50.069 --> 00:31:57.073
from stragglers, it launched desperate counterattacks
to stop the British advance and retake Cleve.

00:32:00.340 --> 00:32:04.750
None of the German commanders expected to
hold the first line of defence, but at least

00:32:04.750 --> 00:32:07.370
now Allied intentions were clear.

00:32:07.370 --> 00:32:19.250
Blaskowitz asked to carry out a strategic
retreat, but received this

00:32:19.250 --> 00:32:26.590
reply from Berlin: “The enemy might be able
to storm the ruins of a bunker or a town,

00:32:26.590 --> 00:32:31.470
but these will not be evacuated unless it
is on the orders of the Fuehrer.”

00:32:31.470 --> 00:32:33.270
LankreisNrb 119

00:32:33.270 --> 00:32:38.600
By February 13, the Germans and the conditions
on the ground had slowed the Allied advance

00:32:38.600 --> 00:32:42.890
to a virtual standstill just outside of Cleve,
but the situation was tense.

00:32:42.890 --> 00:32:52.659
Von Rundstedt reported on the 12th that Army
Group B, whose 15th Army would defend against

00:32:52.659 --> 00:32:58.199
the coming American Operation Grenade, was
down to just 300 tanks.

00:32:58.199 --> 00:33:02.929
Further south, the second arm of the offensive
to clear the German army west of the Rhine

00:33:02.929 --> 00:33:05.789
was set to launch soon after Veritable.

00:33:05.789 --> 00:33:12.090
But here again, Mother Nature held all the
cards, since the critical Roer river dams

00:33:12.090 --> 00:33:19.650
had to be secured before the 9th could cross
to prevent the Germans from flooding the river.

00:33:19.650 --> 00:33:24.890
The dams were in US 1st Army’s area under
General Bradley, and although there were plans

00:33:24.890 --> 00:33:28.429
to take them in December, the advance stalled.

00:33:28.429 --> 00:33:33.221
The delay was partly due to the bloody and
drawn-out fighting in the Hürtgenwald, but

00:33:33.221 --> 00:33:38.970
it has also been suggested that Bradley was
in no hurry to set the stage for his rival

00:33:38.970 --> 00:33:41.209
Montgomery’s operation.

00:33:41.209 --> 00:33:46.110
Finally, the two most important dams were
taken by February 9.

00:33:46.110 --> 00:33:50.860
but the Germans had opened the floodgates
of the massive Schwammenauel Dam and wrecked

00:33:50.860 --> 00:33:53.160
the mechanism to close them.

00:33:53.160 --> 00:34:00.259
100 million tons of water were flowing inexorably
into the Roer, and its rising waters would

00:34:00.259 --> 00:34:04.460
be impassable for an unknown period of time.

00:34:04.460 --> 00:34:09.670
Montgomery visited the area on February 12
and had no choice but to delay the start of

00:34:09.670 --> 00:34:17.499
Grenade until the waters calmed: “The conditions
in the river valley are appalling and Grenade

00:34:17.499 --> 00:34:20.000
is impossible at present.

00:34:20.000 --> 00:34:24.249
It may well be one week or more before we
can launch it.

00:34:24.249 --> 00:34:30.799
Meanwhile Veritable must carry on alone and
it is therefore bound to go slowly unless

00:34:30.799 --> 00:34:34.450
it can be strengthened, and this I intend
to do.”

00:34:34.450 --> 00:34:37.380
(Zuehlke).

00:34:37.380 --> 00:34:42.329
The British and Canadians would have to fight
on for a little longer before help arrived.

00:34:42.329 --> 00:34:47.420
And until the Americans could join the fray,
First Canadian Army would be alone in facing

00:34:47.420 --> 00:34:49.479
everything the Germans had left to offer.
